By Joaquin Morales Sola

Someone said it would have destiny in this world if you just respond with smiles kirchnerismo aggressions. Daniel Scioli took the advice, but never fully understand why the Kirchner launched as soon a battle that will end in 2015. Scioli was never Mauricio Macri and Hugo Moyano, they have decided to say no to cristinismo and do so with words that more and deeper wounds open. It is likely that all three have been forced into a war they did not want, but Scioli was always the least felt comfortable among so many battles and grudges. Comfortable or uncomfortable, the fact is that in the last few hours decided to return blow for blow, if the coup was the plan cristinismo.

Until three days ago, the governor of Buenos Aires still marked a clear differentiation between Cristina Kirchner and the two swordsmen cristinistas most beset him: Lieutenant Governor Gabriel Mariotto and Charles Kunkel, custodian Kirchner terrain of ideology. Kunkel is the husband of Cristina Fioramonti, president of the provincial Peronist bloc of senators, who also makes his daily contribution to the misfortune of Scioli. Cristina is one thing and another thing are the cristinistas, used to say.

That assertion is true because the President is not usually personally push Scioli (since it is the governor, at least) and not leave footprints in destabilizing operations against the governor. But such a deduction of the governor and the reaction caused twitching of its political partners. Did Kunkel Mariotto and act on their own against the most important elected official after the president? Was not it more accurate to conclude that those only followed, each with its style and form, the political leadership marked by Cristina? Mariotto and Kunkel have also always liked the style to wear to kirchnerismo their adversaries: they are arrogant, authoritarian and irreverent. In the end, Scioli decided that, in fact, no possible nuances among the ultras of Kirchner and his boss. He decided, rather, to be the boss who makes a difference between her and his generals in the war unlikely.

Scioli's existential position was defined yesterday. It will be a presidential candidate in 2015 if the Constitution of the Argentine Constitution remained the same. That is, if in December of that year, Cristina was forced to return home by the constitutional veto re-election. Similarly, any reform of the Constitution which enabled this further term of the President, would leave Scioli automatically out of the next presidential campaign. Never be racing against Cristina, ratified in the last hours.

The cristinistas have the right to be shocked before the presidential project Scioli. They never knew nothing of these preparations. The only one I knew was the itself Cristina. Scioli said she personally had no objection. The silence of the President to the sincerity of the governor or his blessing to the project (there are different versions) Scioli took him to delude consented to be the heir of Kirchner's presidency. The flame of that illusion, against all evidence and warnings, was on until a few days ago.

Evidence and warnings acted against, but also history itself. The President never sympathized with the ideas of Scioli, who considered a centrist unable to play a foundational project, which is what she likes. A huge distance between them comes from the time he lived in the Senate, he and Vice President's Office and she as a powerful senator and first lady.

The President governs in recent times to a small core: The militants Campora, the Kirchner pure and simple, human rights organizations and some progressives who turn around it. It is the audience you chose, which seeks applause and which hates criticism. Faced with this platform, Scioli will always be a foreigner. He notices a stranger in the many acts of the President in the Government House: Scioli is there always serious, looking for an alliance between a public gaze side. You must differentiate yourself, a friend advised. I am different! , He said Scioli. It was a day before the outbreak of the conflagration of these hours. However, Scioli understand that difference as a continuum similar to that now rules. The Kirchner does not understand these subtleties.

The war began when he camporismo in the Buenos Aires Legislature a request for information to the governor on advertising costs. Or Scioli began when he again asked for the former Ciccone to pay provincial taxes to be from 1994. You better believe that Ciccone was not what triggered the fire, because then this would be a government too complicated in a case of alleged corruption as the main suspect just for now the vice president Amado Boudou.

We must thank cristinismo certain amount of sincerity. Believes that the state belongs and does nothing to conceal. Any other political expression would not speak of not advertising to uncover their own shame. According to foundation president Silvana Giudici former deputy, the Kirchner government advertising increased by 3242 percent since 2003. That advertising is intended only to media friends, charged with defending government policies, in a few cases, and to smear opposition leaders and independent journalists, in most cases.

Anyway, Scioli became unwittingly a phenomenon. It is the first Peronist governor received a request for information of its own legislative bloc. Not that Peronism has lost the sense of discipline, but discipline is not exercised Aires block in La Plata, but Olives.

Something similar happens with presidential candidates. The cristinismo think you have the right to raise up a constitutional amendment to enshrine their leader. A presidential candidate Cristina Kirchner, under present conditions, is unconstitutional. But at the same time, Scioli denies the right to think on your own legitimate candidacy. Recent surveys find that the governor of Buenos Aires remains the most popular politician in the country, more than the actual Cristina. Measurements were made after the party Kirchner by YPF. Only a politician who does not discourage out of this world and things, his own ambition to be president.

Scioli has its own conflicts, the camporismo Kirchner is the worse. The significant increase in taxes available to the Governor (still lack the ultimate sanction of the Chamber of Deputies) was confronted with the powerful rural sector. The property tax increase will produce an automatic rise in national taxes. The Buenos Aires ruralists say they are worse than in the times of 1 to 1 (for them the official listing rules of the dollar) and that only is saving the good international price of raw materials. But the governor disagreed with the violent struggles of the militants who staged Campora with farmers. These forms are not Scioli.

Why now? Why, when still missing three and a half for the presidential elections? I never imagined that this was going to loose so soon, said Scioli among confidants. Anxiety may have interceded to ensure continuity Kirchner Cristina. But it may also have influenced the perpetual need of a war going on, when they shut YPF nationalist rumblings and when the fires during the Falklands less and less.

Another war is necessary. What would happen to the President if the Argentines had to discuss just about the decline of the economy, the almost total ban on access to the dollar or the ravages of crime? A war may be useless or not, but always produces a dazzling stage and obsessive